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Reconciliation

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You need utopian idealists and pragmatic realists if we hope to make something of this mess we call a country

Mahmoud Salem

Mahmoud Salem

Right now, we have an Egyptian President who holds executive power, legislative power, power over the military, and the power to veto the drafted constitution or to create another constitutional committee if he wishes. If this alone wasn’t disconcerting enough, let’s add to it the fact that there is no organised opposition to him, he seems intent on continuing the time-honoured tradition of hiring loyalist unqualified hacks and lackeys for important government positions, he doesn’t seem to have any intention of being democratic or even create a government out of the coalition that he created, and his supporters viciously attack anyone who criticises him, sometimes with religious overtones.

One would think that such a president must have a huge mandate to be able to pull this kind of crap on all of us, but surprisingly enough, he doesn’t. He won with 51 percent, with almost half of his votes coming from secular revolutionary voters who simply didn’t want Shafiq to win. In reality, if someone did the math, one would realise that at least 17 million of the 25 million voters who voted in the presidential elections did not vote to have the Muslim Brotherhood take over the shaping of the Egyptian post-revolution state, and actually belong on the secular side. The problem is, this secular majority is so divided among revolutionaries and Shafiqistas, that reconciliation, despite its utterly logical necessity at the moment, is completely out of the question. Why? Only two reasons: perspective and political symbols.

Let’s start with the perspectives problem, outlining the three major points of contention and tackling them one by one: the Mubarak state; presidential elections; and character. Shafiqistas believe that a corrupt and possibly murderous state is better than having no state, since they believe correctly that millions would suffer in the absence of state institutions, and incorrectly that such a state can be reformed with time, while revolutionaries believe that no state is better than having a corrupt and murderous state, and that such a state would need to be brought down and rebuilt correctly for the sake of our long-term benefit, even if in the meantime millions end up suffering in the absence of what little state they had. Shafiqistas will not forgive that revolutionaries chose to invalidate their votes or vote for Morsy in the second round of the presidential elections instead of voting for Shafiq, while revolutionaries will not forgive Shafiqistas for voting for Shafiq in the first round of elections instead of Sabahy, or Amr Moussa or even Abul Fotouh. Shafiqstas believe that it should be apparent to anyone by now that the revolution was a mistake, and that the revolutionaries are too cowardly to admit this, while revolutionaries believe that the revolution was right and had to happen regardless of the consequences, and that the Shafiqistas are too cowardly to face our problems, hence why they always supported security forces oppression as a solution to our countries ills, instead of fixing them, which brought on the revolution. In conclusion, Shafiqistas are pragmatist realists to a point that is unacceptable to revolutionaries, and revolutionaries are utopian idealists to the point of naïveté to Shafiqistas, and both sides believe that the other side owes them an apology and should uncompromisingly adopt their point of view immediately. Did I also mention that both sides are silly? No? Well, they are. Ridiculously so.

Both sides are silly because their point of contention doesn’t matter anymore, and what unites them is so much more than what divides them. The argument over the state is moot, because we live in a mirage state and in reality no longer have one, so the focus should be how to build it right this time around and not over who dropped the ball. The argument over the presidential elections is stupid because they are over, and if we are truly democratic, we should be able to respect each other’s choices and not hold it against them now. As for the character debate, well, besides the ridiculous notions that each side has about the other, if you are serious about loving this country and rebuilding it, you need both. You need utopian idealists and pragmatic realists if we hope to make something of this mess we call a country. We don’t live in Switzerland. We have so many problems one doesn’t even know where to begin, and we are stuck in this country together. And here is where we agree: we want a state that respects all of our rights, one where government services function, one where corruption doesn’t rule supreme and where the arts are not considered satanic distractions. We want a country that we can be proud of and that has a future. But if this is the case, why can’t we reconcile?

Well, we can’t reconcile primarily for the second reason: our symbols. Both sides are not only silly mirrors of each other when it comes to organisation or personal beliefs so strong they border on demagoguery, but also when it comes to our political symbols and leaders: they all suck. Reconciliation is a process that requires both sides to have mature respectable political leadership, which is lacking for the revolutionaries and the Shafiqistas. The revolutionaries’ leaders are big on platitudes, but have no real experience or solutions beyond theoretical ones and are too cowardly to take risky stands, and Shafiqistas leaders are so nonexistent, that they have to pretend that people like Okasha, Abu Hamed and Mostafa Bakry are respectable representations of them, which they are not, but it’s all they have. It should go without saying that those symbols and leaders, on both sides, should be retired by their respective audience due to their utter failure to do something productive, but for some odd reason this is not happening, and hence our current state of limbo.

But here is a thought: maybe we shouldn’t push for reconciliation just yet, but support things that are in our common benefit, like pushing for the next elections law to have a nation-wide closed-list voting system. Under this system all of Egypt would be considered one district, with each party offering a list of 500 names, and based on the total votes nation-wide a party receives, they are allocated a proportional amount of seats in the parliament. This would ensure that every vote everywhere counts, and give people the freedom to vote for whomever they truly support, instead of having to compromise and vote for the least evil in their district, like the current system demands. Think about the voting results for the presidential elections in the first round, and imagine if each candidate represented a party, and got allocated seats in parliament based on their total votes, and then ask yourself this: how appealing would such a parliament be, compared to the alternative? The first round showed that Islamists had 35 percent of the vote at most, but due to superior organisation and districting, they managed to beat everyone else. Let’s put an end to this, and have a voting system that leaves no vote behind, no matter if you are a revolutionary or a Shafiqista or anyone else for that matter. Let every faction get equal representation to its side first, and then we can worry all we want about reconciliation.

About the author

Mahmoud Salem

Mahmoud Salem

Mahmoud Salem is a political activist, writer, and social media consultant. His writings could be found at www.sandmonkey.org and follow him @sandmonkey on Twitter

  • yousra

    Very interesting article..i wish you will participate in the parlmnt elect next time….wishing uuu good luck mahmoud….!!!!!

  • Ahmed Adel

    A great presentation and analysis. I agree with most of the article, but allow me to mention that you forgot a very important fact: Some Shafiqistas want to show the failure of the current president by causing so many problems in the country. That is, it is not only differences in opinions that make us (as Revolutionaries) refuse reconciliation; it is the reality of the Shafiqistas. Those anti-Revolution people do not want to believe that our Revolution was not sponsored by the West and was originally for the benefit of Egypt!

    • Zoheir Abouguendia

      With the exception of a few sentences above, It seems to me the article is a big mess. Your characterization of the Shafeeq followers is totally wrong. Their goal is mainly to get the “floul” back and keep the roots of the corrupt system of the Mubarekists. Morsy and his team appear to be on the right track. His government has virtually no Ikhwanis, so your description is unfair. He needed temporary powers as the majority of the people wanted. He has a schedule for the birth of new constitutions (never happened in this way before) and for necessary institutions, including the legislative assembly. The team has just started and despite the attempt to descridit him and his team, I believe he will succeed because the people are behind him.

  • Ahmed El Safty

    The idea needs rethinking. You should take into account that your proposal may not be possible under the upcoming new constitution. Also, it means money will talk big time! (only who can afford to have a campain that cover the whole country will survive).

  • Pingback: UPDATE: Reconciliation – Daily News Egypt « Regional Wars!

  • Adam

    I have noticed some rather disturbing things about online comments, It seems paid Morsi supporters seem to spamming these pages with positive comments all based on gibberish.

    1) There is no deep state trying to dis credit Morsi, THERE IS NO STATE at all

    2) There is so much Morsi is doing along exactly the same lines as Mubarak

    A) Putting his chronies into state media, instead of revoking all powers of the Government to influence Media

    B) Purging out any opposition including trying to discredit Sabahee, Baradei

    C) Covering up the mass strikes due to Morsi being unable to fulfil promises.

    All those who are not Ikwan in government are Ikwan sympathizer and have no record of ability or real experience bar a tiny few.

    D) The Ikwan protested against the IMF loan and now embrace it, showing quite clearly the FJP uses paid mobs to protest

    E) He is meeting and supporting OTHER DICTATORSHIPS such as Iran, once again putting the Ikwan above Egypt

    f) The Shafistas as you refer to them have only had one MAIN issue which was the Islamists would take over and reduce civil liberties, which so far they have been attempting to do.


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